This booklet depicts the native History Of Kentucky and also tells about the history which shows conclusively that the Myth of the “Dark and Bloody Ground,” which states that American Indians never lived permanently within Kentucky’s borders (see Cultural Contributions), is not valid with respect to either the entirety of the Commonwealth or to the complete expanse of its ancient past.
1. A Native History Of Kentucky by A. Gwynn Henderson and David Pollack Selections from Chapter 17: Kentucky in Native America: A State-by-State Historical Encyclopedia edited by Daniel S. Murphree Volume 1, pages 393-440 Greenwood Press, Santa Barbara, CA. 2012 1
2. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW As currently understood, American Indian history in Kentucky is over eleven thousand years long. Events that took place before recorded history are lost to time. With the advent of recorded history, some events played out on an international stage, as in the mid-1700s during the war between the French and English for control of the Ohio Valley region. Others took place on a national stage, as during the Removal years of the early 1800s, or during the events surrounding the looting and grave desecration at Slack Farm in Union County in the late 1980s. Over these millennia, a variety of American Indian groups have contributed their stories to Kentucky’s historical narrative. Some names are familiar ones; others are not. Some groups have deep historical roots in the state; others are relative newcomers. All have contributed and are contributing to Kentucky's American Indian history. The bulk of Kentucky’s American Indian history is written within the Commonwealth’s rich archaeological record: thousands of camps, villages, and town sites; caves and rockshelters; and earthen and stone mounds and geometric earthworks. After the mid-eighteenth century arrival of Europeans in the state, part of Kentucky’s American Indian history can be found in the newcomers’ journals, diaries, letters, and maps, although the native voices are more difficult to hear. Later history is recorded in newspapers, books, histories, and encyclopedias. It also is found in the oral traditions, spiritual beliefs, art, music, and cultural events native peoples have passed down through generations. From this complex mix of sources, an American Indian history emerges that reflects cultural, religious, and ethnic diversity; chronicles challenges, triumphs, and losses; and paints a picture of human endurance. It can be considered in five broad periods: First Peoples (9,500 BCE – CE 1539), Foreign Influences (1539-1730), Intersection of Two Worlds (1730-1825), Removal and Its Aftermath (1825-1980), and Greater Visibility and Action (1980-PRESENT). First Peoples (9,500 BCE - CE 1539) Kentucky’s ancient American Indian history belongs to the broad Eastern Woodlands Tradition of North American Indian heritage. It shares many characteristics with the indigenous histories of the states that surround it. This period is the longest in Kentucky's American Indian history. It spans the time from the earliest migratory hunters late in the Ice Age, through the time of mound-building small-scale gardeners who traded with distant peoples for copper and marine shell, to the time just before European exploration of North America when farming groups lived in permanent villages inhabited by hundreds of people. This history shows conclusively that the Myth of the “Dark and Bloody Ground,” which states that American Indians never lived permanently within Kentucky’s borders (see Cultural Contributions), is not valid with respect to either the entirety of the Commonwealth or to the complete expanse of its ancient past. Places across the state where thousands of chipped stone arrowheads and groundstone axes have been recovered were not the scenes of combat, as early historians, like John Filson, claimed.1 These are the locations of Indian camps and villages built 2
3. in the same places for hundreds or even thousands of years. A diversity of unique cultural expressions developed during this long time period. And despite the fact that names, languages, and particular histories are lost to us, in each case, these expressions reflect the specific natural and cultural environments and historical events of the areas within which they developed. Rooted in a stable foundation of hunting and gathering subsistence practices, over the millennia, groups added the cultivation of plants to this mix. The first were squash and weedy plants like sunflower and goosefoot, the latter two were among several local plants domesticated by native gardening groups. Later, the plants native farming groups grew, like corn and beans, were mainly cultigens that had been domesticated in the tropics earlier. Throughout much of this period, native groups were organized tribally. But for a brief period in a few places in Kentucky, hunter-gatherer-farmers created chiefdom societies with more complex social and political Archaeological research is the source of information for much of this initial period of Kentucky’s American Indian history. Because of issues of preservation (larger sites that are easier to find and study), recent groups are better understood. Archaeologists divide this period into five subperiods, based largely on technological developments identified at sites documented in Kentucky: Paleoindian, Archaic, Woodland, Late Prehistoric, and Historic Indian. However, since lifeways served as the underlying organizing principle of this narrative, this “First Peoples” period is divided, instead, into three subperiods: Hunter-Gatherers, Hunter-Gatherer-Gardeners, and Hunter-Gatherer-Farmers. Years used for this period are approximate. Hunter-Gatherers: 9,500 BCE - 1,000 BCE Archaeological research shows that the ancestors of Kentucky’s indigenous American Indian peoples were living in what is now Kentucky by at least 9,500 BCE, although they may have arrived much earlier. Over this long time period, population growth was gradual, but changes in climate and culture were dramatic. The first hunter-gatherers lived in small, mobile groups that ranged within large territories. With spears, they hunted now-extinct Ice Age animals, like wooly mammoths and mastodons, as well as other smaller mammals, and foraged for plant foods. Though never glaciated, the southern edge of the ice sheet extended near Kentucky’s northern border, and so Kentucky’s climate at this time resembled Canada’s. By 7,000 BCE, Kentucky's climate had warmed up. It rained and snowed less in the winter, and each year had long, dry spells. Animal, plant, and human communities adapted to these climatic changes. People continued to hunt and gather in small bands as before, but beginning around 6,000 BCE, hunters started to use the atlatl (or spear thrower) to hunt animals like deer, elk, and bear (but not buffalo; these animals would not return to the Ohio Valley until the mid-CE 1600s). They also used snares, traps, and possibly hunting dogs for animals like raccoon, squirrel, and 3
4. rabbit. These peoples exploited aquatic resources (fish and freshwater mussels) using bone fishhooks or nets they made from plant or animal fibers. They also collected nuts (mainly hickory nuts) as well as many different kinds of wild fruits and plants, which they prepared and processed using stone pestles, grinding stones, and nutting stones. The appearance of plant food processing tools and woodworking tools in hunter-gatherer tool inventories implies that reliance on plants was increasing. Through the centuries, as groups became more familiar with the resources of their area, hunter-gatherer lifeways became more complex and diversified across Kentucky’s multiple environmental zones, as evidenced by, among other things, an increase in the diversity of spear point styles. By about 1,000 BCE, rainfall became more evenly distributed throughout the year. Temperatures became slightly cooler and more like today’s. People gradually developed new ways to live. Group size increased, as did Kentucky’s overall population. Though they still moved with the seasons, these hunter-gatherers moved less often and their homelands were smaller. Distinct hunter-gatherer cultures began to emerge. Some groups began to experiment with gardening. They encouraged squash and small- seeded plants like goosefoot to grow on the trash heaps near their base camps. Before long, they began to plant seeds from these plants in areas they cleared especially for that purpose. Food was cooked using hot rocks and was likely served in baskets, gourds, or turtle shells and stored in baskets or skin or net bags. Bone and antler served as the raw material for tools (awls and needles) and ornaments (pins and beads). Beads and pendants also were made from shell. The diversity of stone tool types increased. These hunter-gatherers lived in semi-permanent base camps and in seasonal hunting and fishing camps. These camps were scattered along rivers and creeks, on ridgetops, and in rockshelters. Houses likely were small, temporary structures built of a pole framework covered with hides, mats, or brush. Families might stay at a camp for as long as a month or two before moving on, and groups would return year after year to favored, resource-rich places. These larger campsites, often located near particularly rich natural resources, became the focal points for gatherings of several families. Here they held feasts and ceremonies, exchanged information, and met future spouses. Ceremonies and rituals helped maintain good relationships among families and between neighboring groups. But sometimes, peaceful relations broke down and interpersonal and intergroup conflicts resulted. Life revolved around “family,” which at that time was made up of between 15 and 20 people. It is likely that men were the hunters, while women collected plants and took care of children. Older men and women probably served as religious leaders. Political leaders likely were men who were the most successful hunters or whom others respected for their common sense or intelligence. Lacking the benefits of modern medicine, infant mortality was high in hunter-gatherer communities. Those fortunate enough to reach the age of 15 could expect to live only into their 4
5. mid-30s. Broken bones were common, as were cavities and abscesses in teeth. Many people suffered from both osteoarthritis and rheumatoid arthritis. Kentucky’s hunter-gathers believed in an afterlife, and certain campsites also served as burial grounds. They placed the dead in simple pits dug into the ground, or they laid the dead on the ground surface and then covered the body with soil. Sometimes the dead were buried with objects that held some personal, religious, or social meaning for the deceased, or for their family and kin. These included spears, atlatls, ornaments, turtle shell rattles, or lumps of red ochre In the hunter-gatherer shell mound campsites along the Green River in western Kentucky, personal accomplishments set some people or families apart. These people were buried with their dogs or with rare and very valuable items made from marine shell, non-local stone, or copper, like pendants, necklaces, and hairpins. The value of these items stemmed from the important symbolic or ritual meanings they held and because they were made from non-local materials traded over hundreds of miles from their sources (the Great Lakes and the Appalachian Hunter-Gatherer-Gardeners: 1,000 BCE - CE 1,000 By around 1,000 BCE, most indigenous peoples in Kentucky had grafted gardening onto their mobile hunting and gathering way of life. They came to depend on the plants they grew for food, and over time, this dependence increased. They maintained their gardens using small, targeted and controlled fires to burn off weeds and brush and to enrich the soil. They grew domesticated varieties of gourds and squash. They also grew two different kinds of locally domesticated native plants that produced edible greens in the spring and, in late summer/early fall, nutritious seeds high in carbohydrates or starches (goosefoot, knotweed, and maygrass) or high in fat and protein (sumpweed and sunflower). These plants were reliable producers, were disease resistant, and their seeds could be easily stored. The earliest evidence for the domestication of sunflower and goosefoot anywhere in the world comes from Eastern Kentucky rockshelter sites, making this area a world hearth of plant domestication, comparable to Mexico, the Levant, and China. Intensive gardening required different lifestyles from those of their immediate ancestors in several very important ways. The gardens they planted may have encouraged them to live in their camps for longer periods during certain times of the year, particularly in the late summer and early fall, when the seeds were ready to harvest. With the increased importance of garden plants in their diet, Kentucky’s hunter-gatherer- gardeners may have developed ways to prepare food that differed from those of their ancestors, requiring them to begin to make ceramic containers. Initially, these containers, made from locally available clays, were crude, deep, cauldron-like basins. But over time, the potters’ ceramic-making skills improved. Eventually, they made a variety of vessels, some of which they decorated. Ceramic vessels also may have been better storage containers than ones made from gourds, wood, or skin. 5
6. During most of this period, hunters continued to use the atlatl. But after about CE 700, hunters quickly turned to a new weapon: the bow and arrow. This greatly improved hunting effectiveness and changed hunting methods. Other aspects of their lives were firmly rooted in those of their immediate ancestors. They hunted the same modern animal species, and they collected the same kinds of wild plants. Houses were small temporary rectangular structures built of a pole framework likely covered with hides, mats, or brush. As in the past, life revolved around family, and kinship ties of birth and marriage knitted groups together. Leadership was based in personal achievement, religious leaders were likely older men and women, and elders served as tradition bearers. These hunter- gather-gardener groups likely were organized politically and socially as tribes. The health of hunter-gatherer-gardeners was similar to that of their immediate ancestors. Like them, they did not live very long: infant mortality was high, 45 was as old as most people got, and few lived beyond 65. Most people had cavities in their teeth, which led to abscesses and tooth loss. Unlike our teeth today, the chewing surfaces of their teeth were heavily worn from the grit in their food. As children, hunter-gatherer-gardeners experienced times of malnutrition and infection. Because most broken bones healed, archaeologists infer that injured people were well- taken care of. These people suffered from arthritis, anemia, and infections. Archaeological research has documented that distinct hunting-gathering-gardening cultures, broadly contrasted temporally as well as geographically, lived in Kentucky after 1,000 BCE. Some groups, for a time, built mounds and earthworks; others explored Kentucky’s caves. Some groups continued to live mobile lives, while others lived in more permanent villages. To best describe the cultural developments that occurred during these two thousand years, the Commonwealth can be divided roughly in half at the Falls of the Ohio (adjacent to Louisville, Kentucky). This is the only place along the entire length of the Ohio River where rapids interrupt river traffic. Developments that occurred downstream and west of the Falls are discussed separately from those that occurred upstream and east of the Falls. This distinction continues for much of the remainder of Kentucky’s American Indian history. Kentucky West of the Falls Around 1,000 BCE, and probably earlier, groups living near Mammoth and Salts caves were exploring them intensively, mining crystalline cave salts such as gypsum from the cave walls for ceremonial or medicinal use and for trade. They also used some caves at this time as specialized places of burial and ritual. The cool dry cave environment preserved the textiles these peoples made. Hunter-gatherer-gardeners of what archaeologists refer to as the “Crab Orchard Complex” lived in this region from around 600 BCE to CE 250. These groups lived in intensively occupied sedentary villages and base camps. Their lives were oriented toward floodplain resources. 6
7. Groups living in this part of Kentucky did not begin to build burial mounds or earthworks around 500 BCE like their contemporaries who lived in central Kentucky. However, they may have been involved in some way with the later Hopewell Culture and Interaction Sphere: a ceremonial complex and exchange network that extended across the Midwestern and Southeastern United States from 200 BCE to CE 500. A few scattered burial mounds and geometric earthworks in this part of Kentucky may be linked to this cultural expression. With the arrival of corn from outside Kentucky around CE 800/900, groups living in large, planned villages and base camps oriented to the region’s wide floodplains turned to a hunting-gathering-farming lifestyle. Despite this development, socially stratified societies did not emerge until after CE 1,000. At about this same time, groups like those referred to as the “Lewis Culture” by archaeologists, continued to live in small, dispersed communities in the uplands. They built specialized ceremonial sites, in the form of stone enclosures on hilltops and small stone burial mounds, and continued a hunting-gathering-gardening way of life. Kentucky East of the Falls Native hunter-gatherer-gardener settlements after 1,000 BCE in this region remained small and dispersed. As regional population size increased, home territories may have become smaller. In the mountains, groups lived in rockshelters, possibly year-round, abandoning the substantial creek bottom settlements of their ancestors. Like the caves, the dry rockshelters preserved these people’s textiles, the oldest recovered in the state. In the Bluegrass region of central and northern Kentucky and along some of the major rivers in the mountains around 500 BCE, religious and mortuary customs became more elaborate. Hunter-gatherer-gardener groups became involved in the long-distance exchange of ritual items made from exotic materials for use in their ceremonies. Archaeologists refer to these groups as “Adena.” Even though they built earthworks and mounds, Adena peoples remained hunter-gatherer-gardeners. For unknown reasons, they did not live near their ritual sites. In this they differed from their ancestors, who held mortuary rituals at their seasonal camps. Adena ritual sites were diverse: circular, paired-post enclosures; burial mounds of various sizes; and geometric earthworks. Building large burial mounds and a variety of kinds of earthworks reflects a complex ceremonial life and a belief in an afterlife. Ritual pipe smoking likely was an important ceremonial activity. Adena burial customs involved many steps before a person’s remains were finally laid to rest. Some people were buried in log-lined tombs; others were cremated. The fact that Adena people buried some men and women in mounds, some with valuable burial offerings, indicates emerging differences in social standing. The exchange of ritual items made from non-local, exotic, raw materials (copper, marine shell, or mica), like beads, ornaments, and other paraphernalia, with groups outside the Ohio Valley points to these peoples' participation in extraregional religious movements and in long-distance trade networks. 7
8. Around CE 200, people stopped building mounds and trading for non-local raw materials and ritual items. Rituals and ceremonies were no longer conducted in communal areas. A hunting-gathering-gardening way of life, however, continued and rituals were carried out within Between around CE 300 to 500, hunter-gatherer-gardeners in central and northern Kentucky lived in sedentary villages. Some were circular, with the houses arranged around a central plaza (hunter-gatherer-farmers in this region would reprise this village plan 700 years later). These people buried their dead in small stone mounds. In the mountains at this same time, people continued to live in rockshelters. After about CE 700, people throughout this region lived in small dispersed settlements. They continued to live in this manner even as a farming way of life began to appear around CE 1,000. Hunter-Gatherer-Farmers: CE 1,000 - 1539 Two different farming cultures lived in Kentucky after CE 1,000. Archaeologists call those groups who lived west of the Falls “Mississippians,” and those groups who lived east of the Falls “Fort Ancient. These people were the immediate ancestors of the Indian groups living in Kentucky when the first European explorers appeared in eastern Tennessee/western North Carolina in the early 1500s. Kentucky West of the Falls Mississippian farming cultures emerged along the floodplains and backwater sloughs of extreme western Kentucky around CE 900. A century later, Mississippians lived throughout south-central and southeastern Kentucky as well, and all the way up the Ohio River to the Falls. Their farming way of life flourished for 500 years. Although they collected and ate wild plants, the crops they cultivated, corn and squash, goosefoot, maygrass, and marshelder, made up most of their diet. They used fire to clear their floodplain fields and maintained the fields using chipped stone hoes. They traded with western Tennessee and southern Illinois groups who lived near the stone sources for the stone or finished hoes. They hunted the same modern animal species that their immediate ancestors hunted. Mississippian peoples used the bow and arrow, and variety of containers including baskets and pottery of many different sizes. Ornaments were made from shell and bone. They wore clothing made from animal skins (leather ) and from plant and animal fibers (cloth). Town-and-mound centers formed the nucleus of Mississippian civic and ceremonial life. This was where important ceremonies and social events were held for all the people, including those who lived in nearby villages, hamlets, and farmsteads. The lives of the people who lived in these settlements were linked socially, economically, and politically to the centers. Upwards of 600 people could live at the largest town-and-mound centers in Kentucky. Here, large, flat-topped platform mounds were arranged around an open space or plaza. A large rectangular structure on top of a platform mound served as a civic building, a temple/shrine, and 8
9. the chief’s house. Houses were smaller, but still just as substantial. They were rectangular buildings often constructed in a shallow basin, with walls made from posts set in trenches and covered with a lattice of sticks plastered over with mud. Some houses had central hearths. That palisades enclosed some of these centers and that regularly spaced bastions were features of some testifies to the need for fortifications and the occurrence of some form of intergroup Large, multiple-mound centers, however, were the exception in what is now Kentucky. Most town-and-mound centers consisted of one or at most two mounds, a plaza, and no palisade. Between 250 to 300 people might have lived at these centers. Fewer villages, hamlets, and farmsteads were linked to these centers. The overall health of the Mississippian farmers (and the health of the Fort Ancient farmers, too) was similar to that of people anywhere in the world who depend on a diet of corn, which in the case of these Kentucky farmers, made up over 60 percent of their diet. They did not live very long. Infant mortality was high, particularly at weaning. Forty-five was as old as most people got, and few lived beyond 65. Health stress was life-long. Most people had cavities in their teeth, which led to abscesses and tooth loss, and gum disease among adults was common. Everyone had vitamin deficiencies, like anemia, and most experienced chronic infections and arthritis. Some people suffered from tuberculosis. Mississippians buried their dead in cemeteries generally located at or near their communities, which indicates the importance of group ceremonialism and ritual. Most graves were stone boxes set into the ground. Burial offerings sometimes accompanied the dead. Religious beliefs, as illustrated in Mississippian art and symbolism, focused on ancestors, a chief/warrior elite, and on fertility. Important symbols included the cross-in-circle, birdman, winged rattlesnakes, and chunkey players (men holding in one hand a stone disk called a chunkey stone. During the game of chunkey, the stone was rolled on a flat section of ground and players threw spears or sticks at it). The social, economic, and political influence of town-and-mound centers waxed and waned over time. This kind of cultural dynamic has been described worldwide for societies called “chiefdoms.” Mississippian chiefdoms were socially stratified. Heredity defined a person’s social importance and the political roles available to them. Some leaders lived in the villages, but a chiefdom’s most important leaders lived at the town-and-mound centers. There was no separation of religion and politics within Mississippian chiefdoms: the two institutions were combined in their chiefs. They were the ones who resolved conflicts, and they possessed the ritual knowledge needed to direct their people’s important ceremonies. Chiefdoms in what is now Kentucky were part of an extensive network of chiefdoms that extended throughout what is now the Midwestern and Southeastern United States, and thus, they were not politically or economically independent. Part of a chief's religious and political power came from interacting with other leaders, and by exchanging with them rare, ritually significant 9
10. For reasons that are still not known, some Mississippian chiefdoms in extreme western Kentucky and surrounding states collapsed around 1400-1450. This region where farming groups abandoned most of their settlements is known as the “Vacant Quarter.” One explanation for this collapse is that changes in agricultural yields undermined Mississippian leaders’ power and influence. These changes in yields could have been brought about by changes in climate (prolonged drought or cold), changes in the local environment (degradation, drought, resource depletion, soil exhaustion), or by the appearance of new varieties of corn or beans (with more reliable yields) that put stress on the Mississippian political system and led to political instability. Another explanation is that the Mississippian prestige goods economy/interaction sphere was disrupted for some reason (conflict, earthquakes). Mississippian groups did not abandon the Wabash-Ohio River confluence region, however. A somewhat different Mississippian way of life, referred to by archaeologists as “Caborn-Welborn,” emerged there and continued for another 250-300 years, until about 1700. Other groups may have lived in western Kentucky at this time, but their dispersed settlement pattern has made their discovery difficult. Mississippian groups did not abandon their centers in south-central and southeastern Kentucky. The lifeways of Caborn-Welborn Mississippian groups were similar in many ways to those of their Mississippian predecessors and contemporaries, but there were some important differences. Along with corn and other grains, they grew beans. They lived in a variety of settlements (a large village in Union County, Kentucky now called Slack Farm, other large villages, small villages, hamlets, and farmsteads), but they built no platform mounds. Caborn- Welborn Mississippians continued the tradition of burying their dead in village cemeteries, but also placed some of their cemeteries on blufftops away from their villages. Although their society was stratified, their social, political, and economic system was not as complex as that of previous Mississippians. Kentucky East of the Falls Fort Ancient farming cultures developed in the central Kentucky uplands and in eastern Kentucky’s mountain valleys around CE 1000. For over 650 years, Fort Ancient was a vital, vibrant cultural expression of several different tribal societies. The crops Fort Ancient farmers grew, corn, beans, squash, and gourd, made up most of their diet. They retained only vestiges of their gardening heritage, with starchy goosefoot, oily sunflower, and nut resources serving only as supplements. They continued to collect wild plants for food and medicine, however. They hunted the same animals their ancestors had, only they used the bow and arrow. Fort Ancient peoples used fire to clear the land, and mussel shell or deer/elk scapula hoes to work the soil. As slash-and-burn upland farmers, they moved their villages within their home regions every 10 to 50 years as crop production waned. Fort Ancient peoples made and used a variety of shell and bone tools and ornaments. Containers included baskets and ceramic vessels of different sizes. 10
11. The focus of Fort Ancient life was the village. Through time, village organization changed and village size increased. The earliest Fort Ancient peoples lived in small settlements of scattered houses. Houses were small rectangular structures set in shallow basins surrounded by single-set posts. The framework was likely covered with bark or mats. These communities may have ranged in size from 25 to 40-50 people. By around 1150 or 1200, villages became larger, holding perhaps 90 to 180 people, and became a circular arrangement of houses around a central plaza. Houses became larger and posts were set in trenches, but the structures retained their rectangular shape and other earlier features. Cemeteries often encircled the plaza. For a short period, perhaps only between about 1250 and 1350, some Fort Ancient people also buried their dead in a low earthen mound situated on the plaza edge. This suggests strong links between the living and the dead, and the importance of group ceremonialism and ritual. Burial offerings sometimes accompanied the dead. In the mountains, burial occurred in stone boxes associated with stone mounds or within rockshelters. A watershed moment in Fort Ancient history came around 1400-1450. After this time, there are fewer Fort Ancient villages and most are situated along major waterways. These villages are larger, perhaps representing an amalgamation of several smaller villages, and are made up of clusters of houses and associated cemeteries. Between 250 to 500 people may have lived in these villages. Houses are long, rectangular structures that resemble small longhouses. They were bark covered and were shared by multiple families, as indicated by the several central hearths and interior partitions. These changes may have occurred in response to climate change at the start of the “Little Ice Age” (ca.1450-1900), when the climate in the Ohio Valley became cooler or moister. Throughout most of Fort Ancient history, burial customs involved many steps before the deceased was finally laid to rest. These steps included insitu defleshing and the manipulation, and possibly curation, of selected bones before final burial; cremation; bundle burial; and the reuse of graves. Fort Ancient pipes, ornaments, and vessels depict images of birds, reptiles and insects, and other animals. After 1400, graveside ritual feasting and the use of offerings (corn and beans) begins. The Fort Ancient world also expanded after 1400. Communication between Fort Ancient villages increased all across the Ohio Valley. Long-distance trade and interaction with groups living outside the Ohio Valley also increased. Fort Ancient groups traded with Mississippian farming peoples living in eastern Tennessee and with northerly tribal societies for items like catlinite disk smoking pipes and marine shell beads, pendants, and gorgets. Fort Ancient peoples became involved in the "broader" Mississippian religious system of the period, too. The use of ornaments and pipes with Mississippian hawk or thunderbird symbolism, reflecting a warfare theme, and rattlesnake symbols, linked to Mississippian supernatural beasts and otherworld guardians, suggests that Fort Ancient peoples either participated in new ceremonies or reinterpreted these new symbols in a uniquely Fort Ancient way. Individuals who knew how to perform rituals and ceremonies served as religious leaders or 11
12. Archaeologists have documented the presence of palisades at some Fort Ancient villages before 1400, and a few examples of an arrowhead imbedded in a human bone or of scalping after that date. These suggest that intervillage conflict may have been an aspect of Fort Ancient life. Fort Ancient peoples were tribal peoples, and Fort Ancient society at-large was made up of many autonomous, loosely interlinked, tribes that lived in home territories. Tribal societies have a consensus-style of government and tribal leaders do not hold extensive political power. A Fort Ancient leader’s authority was determined by character and achievement, not by heredity. Social standing in tribal societies is rooted in a person’s age, gender, and personal achievements, although social differences in Fort Ancient society may have become more formalized over time. All tribal societies have tendencies toward factionalism and fragmentation. As the size of Fort Ancient communities grew over time, those tendencies increased. Conflicts could be resolved by some community members breaking away and starting a new village, or through discussion, and thus the role village leaders played as conflict mediators became more important. As Fort Ancient involvement in non-local exchange increased, village leaders also became more responsible for maintaining good relations with groups outside their village. On the eve of the appearance of Europeans in the Southeast, in 1539, archaeological research has documented American Indian farming villages scattered along the major drainages in the eastern half of Kentucky. In the western half of the state, this research shows that villages were clustered at the mouth of the Wabash River, but elsewhere in that region, native occupation was more dispersed, if it occurred at all. Foreign Influences (1539 - 1730) This period marks the end of an exclusively native history for Kentucky and the beginning of one shared with Europeans. During the mid-1500s, Spaniards appear in the form of de Soto’s Expedition, which traveled through the Southeast. Then, over a century later, during the mid- to late 1600s, the French and the English appeared sporadically along Kentucky’s extreme western and eastern borders. But there is no record of Europeans visiting or exploring inside Kentucky’s borders until after the 1730s. As time passed, however, the European exploration and settlement zone that encircled the state drew closer to native communities. For about the first 150 years of this period, native peoples living in Kentucky were spared the effects of direct contact with Europeans that their northern, southern, and eastern contemporaries had already experienced. Nevertheless, Kentucky’s native groups had to contend with the indirect impacts of the foreigners and the challenges those impacts posed to their native ways of life. These appear to have been experienced first within the realm of economics, then, in the later decades of this period, through disease and cultural disruption. Native Cultures on the Eve of Recorded History From the mid-1500s to the mid- to late 1600s, Kentucky’s native groups continued to pursue their respective hunting-gathering-farming lifestyles very much like their immediate 12
13. ancestors had done. West of the Falls lived the Caborn-Welborn peoples, and east of the Falls, the Fort Ancient groups. A summer village/winter hunting camp settlement pattern may have deep historical roots for Fort Ancient peoples. However, the clearest evidence for Fort Ancient winter hunting camps comes from archaeological research at campsites that date to this period. Families lived in the villages for most of the year, but from the late fall to early spring, family groups moved to small hunting camps located at the headwaters of small streams or in rockshelters. Probably fewer than thirty people, representing extended family or kin-related groups, lived in the winter camps. Subsistence activities focused mainly on hunting, meat and hide processing, and collecting and processing wild plants. Changes did take place within the economic realm, however. Exchange with outside groups appears to have increased. This drew Kentucky’s native inhabitants into the wider indigenous (and eventually European) world beyond their homelands. This increased exchange may reflect the initiation of Fort Ancient groups’ participation in the European deerskin trade. In the Caborn-Welborn region of western Kentucky, exchange with Oneota groups (archaeologically documented tribal peoples living to the north on the eastern Plains and western Great Lakes area) intensified, while in the Fort Ancient area of central and eastern Kentucky, exchange increased with east Tennessee Mississippian peoples for marine shell ornaments engraved with Mississippian religious symbols. Platform pipes, possibly related to Calumet ceremonialism, also appear in the region’s farming villages and towns. Calumet ceremonialism involved ritualized pipe smoking, feasting, dancing, speechmaking, and the presentation or exchange of sacred pipe bowls that validated inter-group alliances and exchange. The appearance of these pipes may signify that Kentucky’s native peoples grafted these ceremonial elements onto existing traditions at this time. What the Kentucky groups exchanged in return is not known. They may have provided certain foods, medicinal plants, or feathers. Given central Kentucky’s many weak saline springs, Fort Ancient groups could have exchanged salt. It would be difficult to identify the exchange of these materials from the archaeological record, however, since they are perishable. The large numbers of bone beamers recovered from Fort Ancient village sites of this period and the many thumbnail endscrapers from Caborn-Welbon village sites suggests that they may have traded animal hides, too. Kentucky’s native peoples undoubtedly would have heard about Europeans long before they ever saw them, but before the early 1700s, Europeans were mainly the stuff of rumor. At this time, Kentucky’s native farming peoples were linked indirectly by long-distance native exchange networks to groups in the Northeast, Middle Atlantic, and Southeast. News and objects signaling the appearance of Europeans could have come from any one of these places. Until the first documented Europeans physically set foot in Kentucky, word of these foreigners, their trading posts, and their growing settlements would have become increasingly 13
14. The European presence in native lives at this time was represented by the items Kentucky’s native peoples obtained through established trade routes. Native groups incorporated European trade objects, like metal ornaments (beads, pendants) and very rarely, glass beads, apparently seamlessly into their lives, just as they did non-local objects of purely native manufacture. Direct contact with Europeans was not necessary to acquire these ornaments; they were passed along the same exchange routes as the native-made objects. These objects of European origin also functioned in much the same way as their native counterparts: worn or used by individuals to signify their social standing, either political or religious, then buried with the individual upon his or her death. Kentucky West of the Falls In the mid-1600s to early 1700s, the French explored the Mississippi River Valley. They built missions and forts and, after 1710, established French farming communities. In 1673, Father Jacques Marquette and Louis Joliet were the first to travel down the Mississippi River to its confluence with the Arkansas River, exploring the valley for the French. They described a host of tribes in the area north of the Mississippi-Ohio river confluence, such as the Illinois, Kaskaskias, Peoria, and Wea. The Mississippi River (along the western Kentucky border) formed the southeastern edge of the Illinois Confederacy in the late 1600s. Marquette and Joliet learned from the people they met about groups living up the Ohio River in the interior – “where dwell the people called the Chaouanons [Shawnee] in so great numbers that in one district there are as many as 23 villages and 15 in another, quite near one another,” noting that the Iroquois were at war with them at that time.2 Henri Joutel’s diary of his journey up the Mississippi River in 1687 mentions native peoples living in the Vacant Quarter area, though it does not specifically mention Kentucky. In Montreal, Rene-Robert Cavelier de La Salle had been told in 1668 of the Ohio Valley inhabitants living upstream and downstream of the Falls – the Honniasontkeronons (?) and Chiouanons (Shawnee) upstream, and the Outagame (Fox) and the Iskoussogos (the general Iroquoian name for western Algonquians) downstream. Also living on the Ohio were the Touguenhas (?).3 Whether any of these groups lived, hunted, or claimed western Kentucky lands at this time is not known, as historians have yet to examine native history in detail in this region. It is also not known which, if any, of these named tribes might be linked to the groups known archaeologically as Caborn-Welborn and Fort Ancient. In the mid- to late 1600s, Caborn-Welborn groups may still have occupied a few villages in this region. Shawnee living along the Cumberland River in Tennessee, joined by their Chickasaw and Koasati neighbors, staged frequent raids against the Illinois and doubtless traveled through western Kentucky on their way to and from these raids. French trading posts and forts, and later, French settlements of this period, were situated close to western Kentucky. The French traded with many Illinois and western Indiana tribes, but were unsuccessful in extending their trade into Kentucky. However, if Caborn-Welborn groups and others occupied this part of Kentucky, the potential for European impact on these native 14
15. groups likely would have been more sustained than any European impact that could have been experienced by contemporary groups living more deeply in the Kentucky interior to the east, for no trading posts or settlements were situated as close to that part of Kentucky. Kentucky East of the Falls The closest and earliest face-to-face contact between native peoples and Europeans, relative to Kentucky, was Hernando de Soto’s expedition of 1539-1543. The expedition reached as far north as eastern Tennessee/western North Carolina. A later foray by a member of the Juan Pardo Expedition in 1567 came closer, into extreme southwestern Virginia. But neither of these expeditions entered Kentucky. A 1646 treaty that led to the creation of a series of forts and trading posts on the western edge of the Virginia coastal plain set off a “wave of people” who began to penetrate the interior in search of trade. Not long afterwards, the Virginia government began encouraging exploration even further afield. Thus in 1671, Thomas Batts and Robert Fallam, guided by Appomattox Indians, entered the area east of what is now Kentucky and traveled along the New River Valley Path with the intent to expand Virginia trade to the native inhabitants. Some historians believe they went no further than the gap where the New River breaks through the mountains. Others have suggested that they ended their journey further west in the Guyandotte River drainage or in the Big Sandy River drainage in extreme eastern Kentucky. About three years later, in 1674, a Tomahittan war party captured Gabriel Arthur, an illiterate trader, somewhere in the upper New River Valley and took him to a Moneton town. Arthur later accompanied the Moneton on a raid to another village three-days’ journey away. There appears to be no consensus about the exact location of Arthur’s capture, detention, or where he went with his captors: the New River and Kanawha river valleys, and the Ohio River; or the upper reaches of the Big Sandy River valley and the Ohio River. Despite the lack of agreement, Arthur’s account describes a well-populated region in 1674, suggesting that European diseases may not have yet reached the region. In the mid- to late 1600s, Fort Ancient peoples occupied villages along the Ohio River. By the 1680s or 1690s, the Shawnee had one or more villages on the upper Cumberland River (known as the Chauouanon or Shawnee River until the late eighteenth century), although the exact locations are unknown. The Cherokee claimed the upper Cumberland River as their hunting grounds, and so viewed the Shawnee as trespassers. The Cherokee forced the Shawnee out of the area around 1714. Native Disappearance and European Disease From the late 1680s to the 1730s, both documentary and archaeological information is meager. There are no eyewitness accounts, few second-hand descriptions, and no archaeological sites. Kentucky’s American Indian population seemingly fades away. Many different factors may have contributed to this phenomenon. Conventional wisdom holds that between 1669 and 1672, a series of attacks by the Five Nations Iroquois of New York, 15
16. similar to those that had previously decimated groups living around and west of the lower Great Lakes as part of the “Mourning War” complex, depopulated the Ohio Valley (including all of The Iroquois were raiding westward into what is now Illinois in 1655 and by the late 1660s/early 1670s, they had turned their attentions southward toward Virginia. This raiding continued until 1735. It was spurred by the Iroquois’ participation in the fur trade; their need to avenge earlier intertribal hostilities; individuals’ desire for status; their search for captives they could adopt as replacements for relatives lost to European diseases in their own villages during the 1630s and 1640s (which historians refer to as the “Mourning War” complex); and encouragement from their Dutch (and later) British allies, the latter who would claim the Ohio Valley region because of their alliances with the Iroquois. The devastation and forced expulsion of Kentucky’s native groups attributed to the actions of the Iroquois likely is overstated in the documents. It is true that a few references to Iroquois raids into the Ohio Valley and/or the country of the Chaouanons/Shawnee are recorded in French documents of this period. Similarly, captives from the general area of the Ohio Valley, including Shawnee, are known to have been brought back to Iroquoia during the 1670s. But the wholesale devastation and forcible expulsion of the region’s inhabitants claimed by the Iroquois’ English allies was never backed-up by eyewitness accounts. There are no reports of massacres or large numbers of captives taken from the Ohio Valley area, as are reported for Iroquois raids in the Illinois Country at this time. Escalated conflict is not confirmed by the archaeological Nevertheless, fear of Iroquois raiding parties could have contributed to population movement. Groups could have moved away to join old native allies or new European ones due to the perceived threat of Iroquois attack. It is also possible that newly established European trading opportunities developing around the edges of the Kentucky region at this time, in Illinois, South Carolina, and eastern Pennsylvania, could have drawn people out of the region in the late 1600s-early 1700s. Decimation by the first smallpox pandemic also could have played a part. Like all the native peoples of North America, groups living in Kentucky possessed no immunity to foreign diseases that had originated in European cities. Disease introduction depends on native population densities and communication routes, and the periods during which pathogens are Native groups living along the Atlantic and Gulf coasts began to experience the devastating effects of introduced diseases in the 1500s and early 1600s. Researchers infer that smallpox arrived in the greater Southeast sometime around 1696-1700, generally agreeing that de Soto’s expedition probably was not the source. Historians are not sure, however, exactly when and how smallpox first arrived in Kentucky. American Indian groups living farther inland, like those in Kentucky, might have experienced the effects of these diseases later than surrounding groups. The Appalachian Mountains could have served as a natural barrier to disease coming into Kentucky from the east, 16
17. and the orientation of the major river drainages and waterways directed Europeans, and perhaps their diseases, along the Mississippi River. French documents mention groups living in the Ohio Valley, upstream from the Falls of the Ohio, in the late 1660s and early 1670s, and maps of the same period, though not based on any direct evidence, also locate indigenous groups like the Chaouanons (Shawnee) in the middle Ohio Valley at this time. So it seems likely that the disease arrived in Kentucky after this time. It is possible that smallpox appeared in western Kentucky first, given the main travel artery the Mississippi River represented and given the proximity of French settlements and trading posts of the period to that part of Kentucky. Irrespective of how and when the pathogens arrived, Kentucky’s inhabitants would have died in numbers similar to those recorded for groups to the east: between 50 and 90 percent of the native inhabitants. And the effect these diseases would have had on Kentucky groups would have been just as devastating, too. These sicknesses afflicted entire villages. The most vulnerable individuals were the young (the future) and the old (the collective memory of the people and tradition bearers). Lacking a system of writing, these people had passed down information by word of mouth about their ceremonies and traditions from generation to generation. With the deaths of so many people who possessed this knowledge, much of these peoples' culture, their shared beliefs and ideas, disappeared forever. Native responses to these devastating diseases would have been as diverse as the groups who lived in Kentucky and would have depended on a host of factors: traditions, cultural practices, history, relationships with outside groups, opportunities, and geographic location. Some groups may have completely disappeared, absorbed into other bands before Europeans actually visited Kentucky. Remnants could have left the region completely, or stayed and worked to rebuild their lives and continue their traditions. In other cases, survivors from different ethnic groups may have joined together to build new traditions. Because of the lack of first-hand knowledge of Kentucky at this time, and because of the devastating effects of European diseases on native cultures, it is difficult to identify the ethnic/linguistic affiliations of the village farming peoples who lived in Kentucky on the eve of the appearance of Europeans. These factors also make it difficult to push back these ethnic affiliations into prehistory. The ethnic/linguistic affiliation of the Caborn-Welborn peoples who lived west of the Falls is unknown. Sources suggest that Dhegiha Siouan groups lived in southern Illinois at this time, but whether these groups are linked in any way to archaeological cultural expressions in western Kentucky is unknown. East of the Falls, the Fort Ancient archaeological culture probably embraces several different ethnic groups. Algonquian-speaking peoples may have made up the greatest proportion, and may have been represented by the historically documented Shawnee (or affiliated groups). In extreme eastern Kentucky, the poorly-known Siouan language speaking groups, like the Tutelo, and Yuchi-language speakers may have been affiliated. Researchers generally agree that the archaeologically documented Fort Ancient cultures of the seventeenth century in Kentucky are 17
18. related in some way to the historically documented people who in the mid-l700s were called Chaouanon by the French or Shawanese by the English. Today they are referred to as the Irrespective of which factors were involved, there can be no denying that as a result of the indirect effects of the European presence, native economies changed and significant numbers of American Indian people died all across Kentucky. The various groups responded in ways that made sense to them. Then, around the late 1720s to early 1730s, new groups of native peoples began to move into the Ohio River valley to establish villages. Some groups were new to the region and were coming in order to put distance between themselves and the American colonists. Others were joining kinsmen that may have never left. The Miami and Wyandott moved in from the north. The Shawnee, Delaware, and Iroquois, primarily Seneca (called Mingo), moved in from the East. Intersection of Two Worlds (1730 - 1825) This is the best known chapter in Kentucky’s American Indian history. Events that take place in Kentucky intersect with historical events of national (the exploration and settling of the Trans-Alleghany West, American’s first frontier; and the American Revolution) and international (known as the Seven Years War in Europe, it was referred to as the French and Indian War in North America) scope. The names of American Indian peoples (Shawnee, Iroquois, Delaware, Cherokee, and Chickasaw) and individuals (Misemeathaquatha or Big Hominy; Hokolesqua or Cornstalk; Cathahecassa or Black Hoof; and Tecumseh) begin to appear in the historical record. This period opens with resident native groups and new native arrivals from the East living in Indian Country as autonomous peoples, and with Virginia’s western lands still largely unexplored by Europeans (it is important to note that Kentucky became Virginia’s westernmost county in 1776 and remained a Virginia county until it became a state in 1792). Imperial agents seeking to claim territory for European nations also arrive, followed closely by traders looking to exchange European goods for valuable skins and furs. Next the land speculators appear, taking a measure of the land’s fitness for settlement, and finally come the Virginia colonists/Kentucky pioneers, intent on building new lives for themselves and agitating for the removal of native people. Thus, by the end of this period, barely a century later, native groups no longer live in Kentucky, the last Indian land cessions have been negotiated, and Kentucky has become a state and attained its current size. The center of Indian history during this period is east of the Falls, in the Bluegrass Region of central Kentucky. Little is known about Indian history west of the Falls and elsewhere in the state. Early European Explorers to the Battle of Fallen Timbers This period brought enormous change and overwhelming challenges to native peoples. Native children born at the beginning of this period arrived as their elders were struggling with 18
19. the social and emotional legacy of the smallpox pandemic, and their grandchildren arrived as native nations were ceding land to a newly created sovereign nation. Socially, native groups worked to create viable native institutions from the remnants of the old ones, left after the deaths of so many tradition-bearers. The challenge was to preserve the traditions, customs, and beliefs that defined native identity. Economically, native peoples were drawn further into a world mercantile economy, as suppliers of the skins and furs that fed it. The challenge here was to negotiate fair exchange for the goods they received for the products of their labor. Politically, native peoples had their own objectives and goals, different from those of France, Britain, Spain, and later, the United States, and native leaders actively worked to realize them in the interests of their people. Initially, native leaders negotiated from a position of autonomy, but as time passed, the events that took place and the concessions they made slowly eroded native political power. Encroaching white settlement on tribal lands required a response, and the challenge for native leaders was to determine what that response should be: accommodate and stay; resist by removing beyond the frontier; or resist and fight to drive the settlers out. Leaders were hobbled by the political factionalism that is a characteristic feature of tribal political organization anywhere in the world. The end was the same, regardless of the response: land cession and removal. But at the time, the eventual resolution was not a forgone conclusion, and Kentucky native history during this period is a record of the multiple and varied responses to the challenges the European presence represented. It appears that native people had abandoned most, if not all, of the villages they occupied east of the Falls by the end of the French and Indian War (1763). Unlike the movements during the previous century, the reasons for this abandonment are known – numerous attacks on Shawnee villages by the Catawba and other southern Indian tribes, and the threat of an attack by the English and their Indian allies. Historical developments in western Kentucky at this time are It is ironic, then, that for most of this period (i.e., after around 1760), native peoples apparently did not occupy any villages in the state. Kentucky served as the stage on which events in American Indian history played out, but the native villages, for the most part, were located beyond Kentucky’s borders: to the north in what would become Ohio (Shawnee, Delaware, and Miami), to the south in what would become Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama (Cherokee and Chickasaw), or even in New York and around the Great Lakes. It is also during this period (i.e., after 1775) that the Myth of the “Dark and Bloody Ground” begins (see Cultural Contributions). However, the lack of villages should not be interpreted to mean that Indian peoples did not consider the land and resources south of the Ohio River, between the mouth of the Big Sandy River and the mouth of the Ohio River, theirs. Kentucky was still the economic base from which they took the furs and deerskins they needed to trade. From an Indian perspective, the moves they made at this time were like the moves they had made for centuries: they were simply 19
20. relocating their domestic centers to another part of their homeland, and were not relinquishing claim or control over the land. The native perspective regarding land ownership and use contrasted sharply with that of the English. The former considered English settlement in their hunting grounds/their homelands a violation of their territorial rights. The latter viewed Kentucky as empty land that was ripe for settlement. This difference was at the heart of the conflict that developed between native peoples and the colonial pioneers during this period. As colonial settlement exploded in central Kentucky in the 1770s, the Indian “presence” consisted of multi-tribal raiding parties of native men. Native settlements, however, were located outside Kentucky’s borders. These parties were joined or led by foreign nationals representing foreign powers hoping to capitalize on native successes that those powers could then parlay into territorial control. By the end of the Revolutionary War in the early 1780s, defining historical events had shifted north of the Ohio River, and to the south. However, multi-tribal raids into Kentucky continued, lasting until nearly 1800. The Battle of Fallen Timbers in 1794 and the signing of the Treaty of Greenville in 1795 brought to an end decades of more or less continual warfare with the French, the English, and the Americans. Indian leaders of the nations who now lived north of Kentucky, but who claimed the Ohio Valley lands including Kentucky, ceded the lands and gave up any Indian claim to Permanent colonial settlement moved westward through Kentucky during this period, although the details of American Indian history are not as clear for western Kentucky as they are for the Bluegrass Region in central Kentucky. Aside from the short-lived (1780-1781) Fort Jefferson and adjacent town of Clarksville in extreme western Kentucky, European settlement west of the Falls during this period lagged behind that of the Bluegrass, occurring two decades later. Settlement was not as swift and the initial numbers of new arrivals were not as large. It is unclear whether native villages were present in this area at this time. Most reports are of hunting parties and groups passing through, like the Shawnee and the Chickasaw. Indians did not cede lands in what is now extreme western Kentucky until the early 1800s. Kentucky East of the Falls Much of recorded Indian history of this period focuses on people, events, and places in this part of Kentucky, particularly in the Bluegrass Region of central Kentucky. The first European settlements were founded here, along the rivers and trails that served as arteries for the settlers’ arrival. This is because documents produced by the Europeans who first physically entered Kentucky and through which indigenous history is chronicled, describe the people living in the places they traveled through and to: the Ohio River corridor, the Cumberland Gap/Wilderness Road area, and the central Kentucky Bluegrass Region. 20
21. In the years immediately preceding the outbreak of the French and Indian War (the late 1730s to 1754), when European imperial powers wanted to control the Ohio Valley, both French and English traders, land speculators, and governmental emissaries (identities oftentimes fused together in a single individual) came to Kentucky and encountered native groups along the Ohio River. The first available eyewitness account is that of the French explorer Charles le Moyne, Second Baron de Longueil, who, in 1739, was looking to secure France’s claim to the Ohio Valley, as was Pierre Joseph Celeron de Blainville ten years later. In 1744, the Iroquois and the British negotiated the Treaty of Lancaster. Many British and American land speculators interpreted the treaty to mean that the Iroquois had ceded their claim to the land south of the Ohio River. Two land speculation companies, the Loyal Land Company and the Ohio Land Company, received grants to conduct land surveys soon afterwards, and both sent agents to explore Kentucky. The Loyal Land Company explorations were led by Thomas Walker in 1749, who traveled through the Cumberland Gap and took a route known as the Warrior’s Path into Kentucky. He encountered few native groups. The Ohio Land Company sent Christopher Gist in 1750-51 to explore the Ohio Valley, and he visited Indian villages along the Ohio River. Other contemporary English visitors of note included William Trent and George Croghan, who were involved, among other ventures, in the Pennsylvania deerskin trade. When the French and Indian War began in 1754, Kentucky was still Indian Country and the names of some of the groups that lived east of the Falls are known: the Shawnee, the Mingo (Seneca-Iroquois), the Cherokee, and the Tutelo. Interaction with Europeans was direct and face-to-face, but was mainly within the sphere of the deerskin trade. Land speculators were sizing up Indian lands, but settlers had not yet crossed the mountains. Archaeological evidence for native villages and camps dating sometime between 1730 and 1795 is meager. Written sources mention a few villages; a handful of isolated cabins, winter hunting camps and other temporary camps; salt processing locales; and a couple of places where native people had stripped off sections of bark from trees and painted red and black symbols on the exposed trunks. Native lifeways, customs, and beliefs in the mid-1700s continued as they had before, with some important changes. Groups were still hunter-gatherer-farmers. This reflects the persistence of seventeenth-century native subsistence practices. In this regard, a native way of life was similar in many ways to the European hunting and subsistence farming way of life. One significant difference, however, and one that figured prominently in later attempts to “civilize” the Indians, was that native women were the farmers, not the men. Dispersal into winter camps in the mid-eighteenth century is described in the documents, but sources mention that game was scarce and that hunters had to range considerable distances for wild foods. Native groups in the mid-1700s, like those of the 1600s, lived in large, permanently occupied villages made up of house clusters arranged along large rivers or streams. Some houses resembled those of the 1600s, but others, described by European observers as huts, cabins, or houses, were built of squared logs, and were covered in bark or clapboard. Some even had 21
22. Unlike seventeenth-century villages, mid-eighteenth century Indian villages were multitribal, created by the amalgamation of the survivors of the epidemics and the new Indian groups moving into the area. Nevertheless, villages were still referred to as Shawnee, Miami, or Delaware towns because one group predominated. It is unclear how society was organized in these villages. Leaders undoubtedly fulfilled roles in mid-eighteenth-century Indian society similar to those of their seventeenth-century counterparts, with one important difference: they had to contend face-to-face with the European newcomers. Native peoples continued the practice of burying their dead in shallow pits in the ground near their houses. They erected burial structures over some of the deceased. The rich religious symbolism reflected by the engraved marine shell gorgets of the 1600s was no longer important or was expressed in other ways. However, mourners continued to place ceramic vessels and other items of native manufacture in the graves of their loved ones. They also included a few items of European manufacture, like silver earrings and broaches or glass beads, but these were different from the metal ornaments placed with the dead in the l600s. This difference is undoubtedly a reflection of the common presence of Europeans in native lives at this time. However, since no wholesale replacement of aboriginal burial goods by European counterparts had occurred in the mid-1700s, it appears that native peoples at this time still held to their indigenous religious beliefs and burial practices. A very important difference between seventeenth- and mid-eighteenth-century Indian life lies within the realm of economics. Trade with the Europeans drew the Indians into a dependency on foreign goods. By the mid-1700s, native peoples had incorporated items of European manufacture into most aspects of their daily lives, and some of these items had replaced their indigenous counterparts. Once native peoples became dependent on firearms and other functional items, they were bound even more tightly into close economic relationships with Europeans, a dependency that undermined their self-sufficiency. But the very nature of trade had changed as well. Exchange was no longer carried out between aboriginal groups over long distances, nor was it integrated into the social fabric of the culture and managed by village leaders. English or French traders brought goods directly to the native inhabitants and built trading houses in their midst. Each person could trade individually. And the goods exchanged - deerskins for metal pots, cloth, firearms and accoutrements, powder, and silver jewelry - were mainly functional items. One commodity, alcohol, had a seriously disruptive influence on Indian life. Many more changes within Indian culture would occur after the mid-eighteenth century, but this is where the story of permanent Indian occupancy of Kentucky, the Bluegrass Region, and the lands along the Ohio River ends. A consideration of the major Shawnee settlement known as “the lower Shawnee Town,” situated on both sides (Ohio and Kentucky) of the Ohio River at the mouth of the Scioto River, and of Eskippikithiki, in the central Kentucky interior, provides a perspective on Kentucky’s American Indian history on the eve of the French and Indian War. Shawnee and Six Nations Iroquois established an Indian “republic” at the lower Shawnee Town in the late 1730s and abandoned it in 1758. For about 20 years, it was the primary village 22
23. for the Shawnee. It also served as an international native diplomatic center, a regional diplomatic center with Europeans, and a trading center at the western end of the Pennsylvania traders’ southern trade route. The lower Shawnee Town was at least twice as big as its predecessors and larger than most contemporary Indian settlements “on Ohio.” An array of nations, divisions, factions, and bands lived there, its inhabitants a mixture of indigenous peoples, Europeans, Africans, and the offspring of their unions. By January 1751, this multi-ethnic population is estimated to have been somewhere between twelve hundred and fifteen hundred people. Given this diversity, it is not surprising that the French characterized it as a "republic." The Shawnee were the settlement's largest ethnic contingent. Undoubtedly at its height, members of most, if not all, of the nation’s five separate and autonomous political units, or divisions lived there. Six Nations Iroquois, mostly Seneca (or “Mingo” as they became known in the Ohio Valley at this time) also lived there, as did men from other towns who traded at the lower Shawnee Town and may have lived there temporarily during regional crises or diplomatic meetings: Delaware from their towns upstream on the Scioto River; missionized Indians from communities near Montreal including Iroquois from Lake of the Two Mountains, and Oneida or Mohawk from Sault St. Louis; and others from nearly all the Indian nations of upper Canada. In the realm of purely Indian affairs, the diversity of the settlement's ethnic groups created a truly “international” atmosphere in town councils. As the main Shawnee settlement, representatives of the Cherokee, Miami, and Delaware traveled there to meet and negotiate diplomatic issues. Because the town was located deep in Indian Country, too far from English and French political centers, relative to the Europeans, the lower Shawnee Town functioned as a second-level or regional diplomatic center. The people living at the lower Shawnee Town were important participants in the Pennsylvania deerskin trade, and the town served as an English trading post. A number of factors combined to make it an international trading hub. Five trading routes in the Ohio Country extended from bases near the Forks of the Ohio like "sticks of a fan." The trading house at the lower Shawnee Town sat all alone at the southern route's western end. From the town, traders could penetrate into Indian Country north of the lower Shawnee Town or south of it into the Kentucky interior. By 1749, English traders had built a store house in the town, and a small contingent of colonials may have become year-round residents. How much impact European imperial concerns had on the day-to-day lives of inhabitants at the lower Shawnee Town is hard to measure. Certainly native concerns about controlling the liquor trade, negotiating fair prices for their deerskins, and keeping good diplomatic relationships with the English suggest that their daily lives were affected to a certain degree. Many statements in period documents, however, make it clear that European imperial concerns were just some of the issues confronting the town’s residents. Parties raided the Cherokee and Catawba to the south, and harassed the Piankashaws, Wea, and other tribes to the west. A contemporary Indian village to the lower Shawnee Town, called Eskippakithiki, was purportedly occupied at Indian Old Fields in southeastern Clark County in the mid-eighteenth- 23
24. century, but its identity is one of the most pervasive legends in Kentucky American Indian history. Actual historical documents referring to a village in the area are rare, and when a village is mentioned at all, its location is noted only in general terms. Purported residents of the town included Peter Chartier (not true), John Finley (maybe), and Catahecassa (Black Hoof) Detailed and critical historical documents research has determined that an Indian village called Eskippakithiki probably was located in or within nine miles of Indian Old Fields in 1753. It is likely that Eskippikithiki and another possible town, Little Pict Town, are two different places. Also referred to as Blue Lick Town by English traders, Eskippikithiki is mentioned in passing in an account of the capture of six English traders near the village: a group of Ottawas, Iroquois, and Conawagoes robbed them of goods, skins, and furs while they were returning from trading among the Cherokee in the Carolina territory. The town also is depicted on Lewis Evans’ 1755 map, which places it 25 miles north of the Kentucky River on the Warriors Path. A band of Shawnee may have established the village in 1750 or 1751 and it may have been abandoned in 1754 due to attacks by the Catawbas, a North Carolina tribe that had been a major enemy of the Shawnee for a long time. This group established another village in the Big Sandy River drainage in 1754. A trader, John Finley, likely came to Indian Old Fields to trade with Shawnee who lived in the vicinity, but this probably occurred in 1767, not in 1752-1753 as has been suggested. The native occupation at that time may have been a winter encampment and not a major village. An elderly Shawnee chief, Catahecassa (Black Hoof), who visited Indian Old Fields in 1815 or 1816, claimed that a Shawnee village was located there until 1754. Archaeological survey in the early 1980s for an Indian village of this age in one section of Indian Old Fields failed to identify With the beginning of the French and Indian War, the Ohio Valley Indians became allies of the French, but they fought for their own reasons: to defeat the British who wanted Indian land, to end Iroquois control over native political affairs “on Ohio,” and to stem the flow of liquor into Indian Country. No battles or skirmishes during the war took place on Kentucky soil, but if the actions of the inhabitants of the lower Shawnee Town can be used to gauge the actions of other groups, it would be safe to say that near the end of it, many moved north for fear of reprisals, abandoning large villages south of the Ohio River and moving their domestic centers to another part of their homeland, though they may have held onto smaller communities and winter camps in the region. The British negotiated peace with the Indians “on Ohio” in 1762. The Indians wanted a dual British-French withdrawal from the region, but the British stayed. Native peoples expected a restoration of abundant trade, but a scarcity of goods, high prices, and an abundance of liquor made trade with the British a disappointment. With the war over, land speculators moved into the Trans-Appalachian West. In response to violence in the Great Lakes region in the spring and summer of 1763, the British unilaterally established the Proclamation Line of 1763 along the crest of the Appalachians separating Indian 24
25. lands (to the west) from British colonial lands (to the east). Encroaching colonial settlement ignored the line. Between 1763, when the peace treaty was signed that formally brought an end to the war, and 1775, when the American Revolution started, a series of treaties drew various boundary lines beyond which colonial settlement could not go. Encroaching colonial settlement ignored these lines, too, which provided the impetus for Indian raiding parties and larger native expeditions that targeted the central Kentucky settlements during the American Revolution. In 1768, as part of the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, the Iroquois ceded all the lands they claimed south of the Ohio River through prior purported “conquest.” This treaty set the Ohio River as the new boundary between Indian lands to the north and English lands to the south. The result was that resident Indian peoples were blocked from lawfully hunting in their home territory and it effectively opened up Indian Country in Kentucky for settlement. The late 1760s also were the years of the “Long Hunters.” Men from Virginia, Pennsylvania, and North Carolina entered Kentucky through Cumberland Gap or from the Ohio River and explored, hunted, and trail blazed for fairly long periods of time. During their stays, they examined land conditions for themselves and others in anticipation of future settlement. Native and white hunting parties, both made of small groups of men, occasionally crossed paths. In 1772, the Cherokee surrendered to Virginia their claim to land east of the Kentucky River. In 1773, colonial surveyors moved beyond the boundary between Indian-colonial settlements to survey Virginia land grants (this included Kentucky, since it was still part of Virginia at this time). Skirmishes took place between Shawnee and colonial surveyors around Louisville in the Spring of 1774. Outrages committed by colonial frontiersmen at this same time, particularly the murder of Chief Logan’s relatives, brought on the a short war between Virginia and the Ohio Indians, known as Lord Dunmore’s War. It was the prelude to the Indian-settler fighting on the Kentucky frontier that coincided with the start of the American Revolution. Lord Dunmore’s War came to a close after the Battle of Point Pleasant in October 1774. It was a defeat for the Shawnee. As part of the Treaty of Camp Charlotte, which negotiated the war’s end, Indian leaders ceded their prime hunting lands south of the Ohio River and agreed to remain north of the Ohio River. However, not all the native factions recognized the treaty as binding. Some native groups left the Ohio Valley afterwards, settling on lands west of the Mississippi River, well away from the conflict. With their withdrawal, Indian westward removal had begun. The Treaty of Camp Charlotte opened up central Kentucky for settlement, and colonial settlers wasted no time. They established Harrodsburg in 1774 and Boonesborough in 1775 within months of each other in the Bluegrass Region as the Revolutionary War broke out in the That same year, through the Treaty of Sycamore Shoals, the Cherokee sold their land within central and western Kentucky to the Transylvania Land Company (except for land in what is now six counties in extreme south-central Kentucky). This treaty (as well as the treaties of Fort 25
26. Stanwix, Hard Labor, and Camp Charlotte) violated the Proclamation of 1763. Because the transaction was not sanctioned by a Crown official, it was denounced by both Cherokee and imperial officials alike and voided in 1778 by Virginia and North Carolina. Dragging Canoe led the Cherokee opposition to the treaty, and would later move with his followers to Chickamauga Creek in southern Tennessee/northwest Georgia and lead what became known as the Chickamauga Cherokee resistance during the Revolutionary War. Over the next few years, what began as a trickle of settlers into central Kentucky quickly turned to a flood. Europeans were no longer deerskin traders, explorers, and diplomats: families came with children and slaves, carrying their belongings, and bringing livestock and seeds to transplant their colonial way of life west of the mountains. These people also were hunter- farmers, but their notion of a farming way of life was very different from the Indians’ way – land was owned, fields were fenced, livestock was kept, homes were built to stay put. Men planted the fields and women tended only the kitchen gardens. Most settlers were Christians, a monotheistic religion that contrasted sharply with the animistic beliefs of native peoples. The settlers valued missionaries and sought to convert those who did not believe. The situation was ripe for conflict to develop between settler/pioneers and native peoples. As the first wave of settlers reached the Bluegrass and the middle Ohio Valley, the new arrivals encountered small groups of Shawnee, Mingo, Delaware, Miami, and Wyandot (Huron) men who were hunting in the region. The Indians' primary summer villages were located north of the Ohio River. Soon the hunting parties transformed into raiding parties that harassed the settlers. This conflict increased in 1776 after Kentucky became a Virginia county. In 1777, the “Year of the Terrible Sevens,” Indian raiding parties and expeditions became so much more intense, frequent, and larger, that the colonists nearly abandoned Kentucky. Between 1777 and the end of the Revolutionary War in 1783, many incidents of Indian- colonist conflict took place in central Kentucky. Among the most famous and noteworthy are the siege of Boonesborough in 1778; attacks on Martin’s and Ruddle’s stations in 1780; and the attack on Bryan’s Station and the Battle of Blue Licks in 1782. The latter was one of the worst military disasters for the settlers on the Kentucky frontier. The Kentucky force’s defeat was so complete, most settlers left Kentucky. The Indian raiding parties and expeditions were multitribal – they included men from a variety of groups living north of the Ohio River. Shawnee, Mingo, Delaware, Wyandot, and Miami were the groups most often represented. Others mentioned less frequently include Ottawa, Ojibwa, Potawatomi, and Cherokee. Though allied with the British, the Indians who fought the Kentucky settlers or “Big Knives” did so to deny Kentucky to the Americans rather than out of any particular loyalty to the British. They also used their own methods of warfare – for the Indians were warriors, not soldiers. They did not remain long on campaigns, nor did they submit to discipline unless involved in a major engagement. They fought to defeat the Americans, defend their homes, and to prove their courage and fighting ability, but not to take and hold territory. And while they 26
27. committed murders and atrocities, they also integrated some prisoners into Indian society, a tradition that set them apart from the settlers, who lumped all Indians together – of any nation, male or female, young or old, converted or not, scouts and those who warned of raids – and sought to kill them. In response to the Indian raids, George Rogers Clark led expeditions north of the Ohio River to retaliate – to the Shawnee at Chillicothe on the Scioto River in 1778 and 1779; and to the Shawnee town of Piqua in 1780. In 1782, Clark led another attack on Chillicothe, destroying homes and crops. But by the end of the Revolutionary War in 1783, there were too many settlers, an estimated 12,000, and too many settlements, 72 in the Lexington area alone, for native raiding parties to drive the colonists from Kentucky. In the treaty negotiations that ended the conflict, Indian states were discussed, but were left out of the final document. And still the conflict between Indians and the Kentucky settlers continued. Kentuckians encroached on Indian lands and attack Indians, and Indians retaliated – chronic murders, horse thefts, and raids resumed. It was within this context of continuing conflict that, in 1784, John Filson published his book, The Discovery, Settlement, and present state of Kentucke. Widely read, and credited with encouraging settlers to come to Kentucky, in it he refers to Kentucky as the “Dark and Bloody Ground” and an “object of contention, a theatre of war, from which it was properly denominated the Bloody-Grounds.”4 In 1785, about 100 travelers on the Wilderness Road, which more or less followed the Warriors Path through Cumberland Gap to central Kentucky, were killed as a result of the continuing conflict. In 1789, a Shawnee raiding party attacks Richard Chenoweth’s fort near what is now Louisville. Even as late as 1792, the year Kentucky was admitted as the 15th state in the Union, ambushes, captures, and killing continued. The Battle of Fallen Timbers in 1794, and the Treaty of Greenville that spelled out the terms of peace in 1795, brought to a close the long period of conflict between native peoples and Colonial/American settlers on central Kentucky soil, although the hatred and resentment remained long afterwards, flaring up as sporadic hostilities (e.g., the 1796 murder in eastern Kentucky of a Cherokee by the name of Red Bird). At the treaty conference, more than 1000 Indians attended from the many tribes whose men had participated in the Kentucky conflict and whose families had experienced the Kentucky militia’s impacts. They now lived mainly in villages in northern Ohio, northern Indiana, and southern Michigan, west and south of Lake Erie. Many of the Indians believed that the treaty gave them the land where they lived for as long as they wished to stay, but for the U.S. government, the treaty was just a step in the process of acquiring all the lands east of the Mississippi River. For the first time, an annuity system (yearly payments made to the tribes, in cash and/or livestock and equipment, by the federal government) was put into place. It institutionalized U.S. federal influence within tribal governments. The annuities were given to Indian leaders to distribute among their people. The treaty also declared that the American government was committed to “civilizing” the Indians. This was a presage of things to come. 27
28. Kentucky West of the Falls Unlike the section of Kentucky located east of the Falls, American Indian history of this period for this part of Kentucky is poorly documented. There are vague references to scattered groups of various tribes, but it is not clear if they lived in this region for long periods of time. Shawnee groups are mentioned traveling between the Great Lakes and the Southeast or living for a time in the lower Ohio/Cumberland River Valley region. These date to the late 1740s and again to around 1760. It is possible that these Shawnee groups established villages in western Kentucky, but the exact locations are unknown. The former date refers to a Shawnee band led by Peter Chartier, a trader of European and Shawnee heritage who settled for a time on a “large river” in the Cumberland River area in 1746. The Chickasaw planned to attack his band in 1747, but hearing of their plans, the group moved south to join the Cherokee. The latter date refers to a band of Shawnee (that had settled in Tennessee around 1752) who were reportedly driven from Tennessee by the Chickasaw and who moved to the lower Ohio Valley. This group remained in the lower Ohio Valley until a few years after the fall of Fort Duquesne in 1758, after which they joined the main body of the Shawnee living on the Scioto River in southern Ohio. During the American Revolution, Chickasaw villages were situated south of what is now Kentucky and far from colonial settlements, so unlike native groups living in what is now Ohio, they experienced few attacks in the war. But they supported the British, and that support threatened American and Spanish traffic on the Mississippi River. In 1780, the same year Indian groups from north of the Ohio River attacked settlers at Martin’s and Ruddle’s stations in central Kentucky, Americans under George Rogers Clark established Fort Jefferson/Clarksville in western Kentucky on the Kentucky side of the Mississippi River below its junction with the Ohio. Fort Jefferson was established to serve as a base of operations to launch a campaign in the British Southwest and as an Indian depot for arming northern Indians. Forty families and their slaves settled around the fort, and over 60 American Indians, acting as hunters for the garrison, also were residents of Fort Jefferson. Tribal groups represented included the Kaskaskia, Peoria, Kickapoo, Sauk, Ottawa and Piankashaw. Not long after the fort’s construction was completed, however, the Chickasaw attacked Fort Jefferson. They ran the settlers inside the fort, burned their homes and corn crop, and killed much of the livestock. They set up a siege, cutting off the fort’s supplies and killing and capturing stragglers. The Chickasaw’s July offensive was led by James Colbert, a mixed-blood son of James Logan Colbert, and the August battle was led by James Whitehead from the British Southern Indian Department. In 1781, after only a year, the Americans withdrew and closed the fort. The actions of the Chickasaw checked the American plans to invade the British Southwest and stabilized the American conquest line on the Ohio River for the rest of the war. 28
29. By the mid-1790s, the Kentucky frontier had moved west. It now extended roughly from Smithland, Kentucky on the Ohio River in Livingston County south to Canton, Kentucky in Trigg County. A few roving bands of Chickasaw were active in the region at-large at this time, raiding, harassing, and killing the small numbers of American settlers who had moved there. In 1803, Lewis and Clark mention a Shawnee presence along the Mississippi River. These Indians may have ranged into what is now western Kentucky at this time. After Fallen Timbers The last Indian land cessions in Kentucky occurred after the confederated tribes were defeated at Fallen Timbers in 1794. Also at this time, the U.S. government embarked on a policy of assimilating native peoples into American society, affected through the Civilization Fund Act of 1819. The Indian response to the Treaty of Greenville reflected the factionalism of their tribal societies and the tribes’ and factions’ contrasting responses to Europeans – accommodate or resist. For some tribal factions, accommodation, rather than confrontation, now offered the best chance for remaining native. The Shawnee provide a good case in point. The Shawnee group led by Catahecassa (Black Hoof), once a resister, decided to follow an accommodationist strategy in order to hold onto native lands in what is now Ohio. Though this group made adjustments to American culture, they retained their traditions and beliefs. Others Shawnee factions, like those who followed Tecumseh, chose resistance. For a short time before and during the War of 1812, Tecumseh led an intertribal alliance composed of members of both northern and southern tribes who opposed American expansion, while his brother, Tenskwatawa, led a nativistic religious movement that required followers to return to the old ways. The alliance collapsed upon Tecumseh’s death at the Battle of the Thames, marking the end of Indian resistance between the Ohio and the Mississippi rivers. As an outcome of the Third Treaty of Tellico, the Cherokee in 1805 ceded the last of their northern “hunting” lands in Kentucky (what is now six counties in the extreme south-central portion of the state) to the U.S. government. Controversial provisions in this treaty gave Doublehead and other influential Cherokee chiefs individual reserves of land, and Doublehead received a cash bonus for helping with the negotiations. After the War of 1812, the demand for Indian removal to lands west of the Mississippi River intensified, as the pressure from white settlement increased. The U.S. government forced native groups into ceding their land to the government. Forced land cessions relative to the Southeastern tribes began in 1814 with the Creek. One by one, throughout the early 1800s, Indian nations split into factions over the issue of removal, and one by one, they moved west. 29
30. Under Presidents Monroe and Adams, U.S. Indian removal policy was voluntary, and Indian peoples in the Ohio Valley emigrated without the direct application of force. It seems likely that native people living in Kentucky who had decided to move out of the state of their own accord had done so by this time. Remnants of these groups (individuals or families who had social connections by virtue of marriage, or who simply chose to stay behind) doubtless remained. In instances of intermarriage, especially between native women and Euro-American men, some chose to blend-in with local American populations rather than remove west, and lived much like their non-native neighbors. Prior to 1818, the land between the Tennessee and Mississippi rivers was still considered Indian Country. Although most Chickasaw lived in northern Mississippi and northwestern Alabama, the Chickasaw claimed and controlled this area, which they used as hunting grounds. This claim was based on the fact that in the 1700s, detached bands of Chickasaw occupied these areas, and towns were said to have been located on the Ohio River and/or on the lower course of the Tennessee River in either Tennessee or Kentucky. In 1805, the Chickasaw ceded to the U.S. government a thin strip of land adjacent to the eastern bank of the Tennessee River to its mouth. The lands the Chickasaw controlled in this area served as a strategic land bridge during the War of 1812, connecting the Cumberland River and Ohio River settlements with the lower Mississippi Valley and Gulf of Mexico. After the war, the U.S. government wanted to open it to white settlement. The Chickasaw’s main, and last, federal land cession occurred in 1818. In it, the tribe sold their land to the United States for $20,000 a year for 15 years and extinguished their claim to all land north of the southern boundary of Tennessee. Levi and George Colbert, Chinnubby, and Tishomingo were among the Chickasaw chiefs, headmen, and warriors who signed; Andrew Jackson and Isaac Shelby signed for the United States. This land cession was the last of an extended series of actions by the federal government to open lands east of the Mississippi River to white settlement. It extended the borders of the Commonwealth of Kentucky west to the Mississippi River and encompassed approximately 2,000 square miles. Today, Kentuckians refer to this area as the Jackson Purchase Region. In March 1819, only a few months after the Chickasaw ceded their land, Congress created the Civilization Fund, which provided an annual appropriation of $10,000 to “civilize” native peoples living in the United States under its auspices. Richard M. Johnson, a U.S. Congressman from Kentucky (who was rumored to be the man who killed Tecumseh and who later would become U.S. Vice President under Martin Van Buren), used his political connections to secure funding for an Indian school on his Scott County farm in central Kentucky. Known simply as “Johnson’s Indian School,” it was operated by the Kentucky Baptist Society for Propagating the Gospel Among the Heathen, of which Johnson was a member. Eight Indians from Missouri, both adults and children, were its first students. The school closed in 1821 due to a lack of funding. Events outside Kentucky impacted people of native descent who resided in the new, larger, Commonwealth of Kentucky. Given the violent encounters between Indians and Europeans during the preceding decades and the resentment that remained, it is unlikely that they 30
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